Last
Poor credit personal loans: Financial respite at last
If you do consider that due to your past mistakes, your credit score is getting affected, then it s your responsibility to mange it. But, in order to resolve, it is also important to have the necessary funds, readily available. However, under the present circumstances, you will not be in a position to overcome the crisis, if you are not offered any appropriate assistance. Since, regular loans are hard to come by; you can start with by availing poor credit personal loans. On availing these loans, you can definitely attain the funds, which will then enable you to restore your financial freedom.
The loans are mainly designed to support the need of those individuals suffering from credit problems related to CCJs, IVA, arrears and defaults. Depending on the specific requirement, the applicants can attain the fund, which of course is made available against flexible terms and conditions. Moreover, deriving these loans is not much of a hassle, since it is available with lenders based in the traditional mode as well as those based online.
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In fact, one can make use of the loans to erase the debts, which will then enable the applicant to retain back their financial credibility. Apart from these, one can also make use of these loans to pursue other needs and demands.
Poor credit loans are generally classified in to secured and unsecured form, so that these applicants can easily get hold of the funds needed. The secured option of the loans does offer a bigger amount, but only after the amount has been covered with a valuable asset. On the contrary, the unsecured option of the loans can be sourced for a limited time period, without any need of involving any collateral.
In case, you are looking to attain the funds in a convenient manner, without any complicacies, then you can certainly utilize the internet facility. Online lenders are known to approve the funds against flexible terms, where in you also get to derive the funds without any further delay.
With poor credit personal loans, you do have a chance to attain quick funds, which then makes it possible for you to retain your monetary freedom.
Talwar Milla is a superb writer on the loans related articles. He has been helping the people of the country in solving their problems. He knows how to deal with their problems well. To know more about poor credit loans, loans poor credit, loans for poor credit, poor credit rating loans, poor credit personal loans visit http://www.poorcreditloans.biz
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America’s Last Taboo
Twenty years ago, Barbara Ehrenreich wrote an article for the New York Times in which she pointed out the growing inequality of American society and was promptly denounced, by a rival paper, as a Marxist. “The Washington Times is an extreme-rightwing publication,” she says, so there was no surprise there. But the paper’s reaction underlined a general principle: that while one can say “fairly wild” things about race and gender in the US, there persists a certain coyness about class. “There’s this powerful myth that America doesn’t have classes; that they’re an ancient English or European thing that we abolished. And that if you’re not rich, it’s your own damn fault.”
Now 66, Ehrenreich has devoted most of her career to disproving this maxim. Her 2001 bestseller Nickel and Dimed was an account of the year she spent trying to eke out an existence on the minimum wage, which caused affluent readers everywhere to exclaim guiltily: “We had no idea!” She reported that companies cheat their staff of wages (there are 70 lawsuits pending); limit the number of toilet breaks staff take; forbid them from talking to each other or using “profanity” on the premises, and that the cleaner you hired through a “reputable” firm is probably made to clean your house while sick or injured. The book’s success owed much to the personal journey of Ehrenreich herself, who suggested the idea to her editor for a younger journalist to take on. But she fitted the profile of the invisible worker – middle-aged, female and knackered. Once in situ, she was bullied by various bosses and forced to retire each night to a motel because she couldn’t afford a flat.
Her latest book, which in the US is called This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation, is the animating force behind all this, a collection of columns that almost amounts to a manifesto. The title comes from a Woody Guthrie song, which Ehrenreich can hardly bear to listen to these days. She writes: “I flinch when I hear Woody Guthrie’s line, ‘This land belongs to you and me’. Somehow, I don’t think it was meant to be sung by a chorus of hedge-fund operators.” (The book’s UK publisher evidently didn’t feel Guthrie’s song traveled well, and has opted for the title Going to Extremes instead.)
Ehrenreich’s skill, apart from the sheer quality of her writing, is to illustrate her opinions with wave after wave of examples, of unglamorous labour disputes and everyday injustices that don’t get much of a look-in elsewhere. Through them she details how wealth in America has transferred from the bottom to the top, thanks to tax cuts for the rich and Bush’s reluctance to regulate the markets, and exposes the fallacy that “growth” as measured by GDP is, for the majority of Americans, synonymous with better living.
“It was just so fascinating to me, without being an economist, to see how in the past few years growth has become completely decoupled from wages or the real conditions of what we call working people,” she says. “And the reason they were so decoupled is because of the huge inequality. So you could have many [economic] indicators looking very sunny and good, but you’re talking about a population that is so divided there’s not an average there any more.”
A book about the joylessness of the American right must struggle to avoid matching it with a litany of dreary, rival orthodoxies. But Ehrenreich has never been dour, nor for that matter predictable. She lives in the historic town of Alexandria, just south of Washington DC, in a jolly chaos of papers and magazines. On the mantelpiece is a card that reads, “I am not, therefore I buy”, but she is as suspicious of self-denial as she is of self-indulgence, both of which she sees as affectations. In one unexpected column, Ehrenreich flies at Jane Brody, the health editor of the New York Times, who throughout the 90s championed with great influence the virtues of a low-fat, high-carb diet. As well as questioning the health benefits of Brody’s principles, Ehrenreich calls them a way of enabling the well-off to feel virtuous merely by indulging their own narcissism. “The low-fat diet has been the hair shirt under the fur coat – the daily deprivation that offsets the endless greed.”
The “tireless preaching” that bedevils modern life elicits a resounding screw-you from Ehrenreich. Her latest bugbear is “positive thinking”, the underlying philosophy of much life coaching and motivational speaking, which she came across during the research for Bait and Switch, the follow-up to Nickel and Dimed. In it, she spent a year trying to expose white-collar office life but was scuppered by not being able to get a job. Instead Ehrenreich fell into the hands of the gannets who feed on the unemployed and sell them reassurances that getting a job is just a question of attitude. This was illustrated by cheerful Kimberly, a “co-active coach” whom Ehrenreich employed and ended up wanting to kill. As the economy recedes, you wonder if Kimberly and her ilk will disappear. “I tend to think that the irrational, delusional approaches will persist,” she warns.
Ehrenreich is by training a scientist, with a degree in chemistry and a PhD in cell biology. As a child she saw both sides of the economic divide. Her father was a copper miner from Montana who got an education and eventually qualified as a metallurgist and made it on to the corporate ladder at Gillette. “He was a very exceptional person, as he’d be the first to tell you. But he never – nor did my mother – say about people who didn’t do as well, ‘Oh we did it, so they can do it.’ They recognized that theirs was an unusual trajectory.”
Did they identify as working-class?
“No. I think they would have said middle-class. But I think my father always thought that he didn’t fit in. He was too rough-edged. And he had a lot of contempt for, say, Ivy League types or MBA types.”
What she sees as the stigmatisation of the sick in the US is a reaction in part to a “strange little detail” of her childhood. Her mother, who was politically more radical than her father and whom the young Ehrenreich would look at in alarm sometimes and wonder if she was a communist, had been brought up by her Christian Scientist grandparents. “And in no other way was my mother continuing to be a Christian Scientist, except for one thing: health. It was very bad to get sick. I remember when I had trouble seeing the blackboard in about seventh grade, she said, “People in our family don’t wear glasses.” Ehrenreich smiles ruefully.
Her son is a writer and her daughter a lawyer, (Ehrenreich is divorced; she moved to Alexandria to be near her two grandchildren) and half of her family still lives on low wages; her sister and her husband have just been forced to cancel their health insurance. I wonder if she had ethical qualms about Nickel and Dimed; isn’t there something unsavory about a comfortable journalist pretending to be poor and then being paid a lot of money to write about it?
“Well you know, that never entered my mind . . . what began to bother me a little bit was that there was a deception involved; that I had to tell people that I was working these jobs because I needed the money, which wasn’t true. But I always tried at the end to tell people I had got to know what the truth was. And then you can work off the guilt of any money by giving it away. Easily fixed.”
Until the success of that book she had been freelance, and the security, she says, has been wonderful. She hasn’t had a staff position since her first job working for the New York City government as a health planner, which she left after seven months when she decided that “the government was selling out to private interests” and went to work for a “radical collective” lobbying for better healthcare in the city. “That’s where I started writing, because we had a newsletter and I loved to do investigative pieces.”
Nowadays, people write to Ehrenreich with their workplace horror stories. The most shocking in the new book came from an ex-employee of one large retailer, who told Ehrenreich that in 2003 the company held him captive for six hours and interrogated him for giving a colleague a discount on a video game, before getting him to write a false confession and firing him. A former colleague alleged that such incidents were not unusual.
With Obama ascending there is hope of a sea change, although Ehrenreich remains characteristically cautious. She sees him “tacking to the right” and was disheartened by his choice of economic adviser, Jason Furman, “who was to the far right of the Democratic party and made his reputation as a defender of Wal-Mart [one of her principal targets in Nickel and Dimed]. And so in a way, I thought, OK, I’m not going to pay [Obama] any attention for a while.”
I wonder if the huge success of Nickel and Dimed, and the tax bill that presumably came with it, hasn’t sent Ehrenreich skidding off a bit in that direction. “Ha! I have to watch that kind of stuff. But no. I always say, if I could pay more taxes and be in turn told for sure that there would be decent schools for my grandchildren, that there would be healthcare for them, that there would be social security, if there was something in return, other than wars, it would be a wonderful thing.” She cackles. “As it is, I just get angrier and angrier”
· Going to Extremes: Notes From A Divided Nation is published by Granta (£8.99).To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0870 836 0875
America’s Last Taboo
Twenty years ago, Barbara Ehrenreich wrote an article for the New York Times in which she pointed out the growing inequality of American society and was promptly denounced, by a rival paper, as a Marxist. “The Washington Times is an extreme-rightwing publication,” she says, so there was no surprise there. But the paper’s reaction underlined a general principle: that while one can say “fairly wild” things about race and gender in the US, there persists a certain coyness about class. “There’s this powerful myth that America doesn’t have classes; that they’re an ancient English or European thing that we abolished. And that if you’re not rich, it’s your own damn fault.”
Now 66, Ehrenreich has devoted most of her career to disproving this maxim. Her 2001 bestseller Nickel and Dimed was an account of the year she spent trying to eke out an existence on the minimum wage, which caused affluent readers everywhere to exclaim guiltily: “We had no idea!” She reported that companies cheat their staff of wages (there are 70 lawsuits pending); limit the number of toilet breaks staff take; forbid them from talking to each other or using “profanity” on the premises, and that the cleaner you hired through a “reputable” firm is probably made to clean your house while sick or injured. The book’s success owed much to the personal journey of Ehrenreich herself, who suggested the idea to her editor for a younger journalist to take on. But she fitted the profile of the invisible worker – middle-aged, female and knackered. Once in situ, she was bullied by various bosses and forced to retire each night to a motel because she couldn’t afford a flat.
Her latest book, which in the US is called This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation, is the animating force behind all this, a collection of columns that almost amounts to a manifesto. The title comes from a Woody Guthrie song, which Ehrenreich can hardly bear to listen to these days. She writes: “I flinch when I hear Woody Guthrie’s line, ‘This land belongs to you and me’. Somehow, I don’t think it was meant to be sung by a chorus of hedge-fund operators.” (The book’s UK publisher evidently didn’t feel Guthrie’s song traveled well, and has opted for the title Going to Extremes instead.)
Ehrenreich’s skill, apart from the sheer quality of her writing, is to illustrate her opinions with wave after wave of examples, of unglamorous labour disputes and everyday injustices that don’t get much of a look-in elsewhere. Through them she details how wealth in America has transferred from the bottom to the top, thanks to tax cuts for the rich and Bush’s reluctance to regulate the markets, and exposes the fallacy that “growth” as measured by GDP is, for the majority of Americans, synonymous with better living.
“It was just so fascinating to me, without being an economist, to see how in the past few years growth has become completely decoupled from wages or the real conditions of what we call working people,” she says. “And the reason they were so decoupled is because of the huge inequality. So you could have many [economic] indicators looking very sunny and good, but you’re talking about a population that is so divided there’s not an average there any more.”
A book about the joylessness of the American right must struggle to avoid matching it with a litany of dreary, rival orthodoxies. But Ehrenreich has never been dour, nor for that matter predictable. She lives in the historic town of Alexandria, just south of Washington DC, in a jolly chaos of papers and magazines. On the mantelpiece is a card that reads, “I am not, therefore I buy”, but she is as suspicious of self-denial as she is of self-indulgence, both of which she sees as affectations. In one unexpected column, Ehrenreich flies at Jane Brody, the health editor of the New York Times, who throughout the 90s championed with great influence the virtues of a low-fat, high-carb diet. As well as questioning the health benefits of Brody’s principles, Ehrenreich calls them a way of enabling the well-off to feel virtuous merely by indulging their own narcissism. “The low-fat diet has been the hair shirt under the fur coat – the daily deprivation that offsets the endless greed.”
The “tireless preaching” that bedevils modern life elicits a resounding screw-you from Ehrenreich. Her latest bugbear is “positive thinking”, the underlying philosophy of much life coaching and motivational speaking, which she came across during the research for Bait and Switch, the follow-up to Nickel and Dimed. In it, she spent a year trying to expose white-collar office life but was scuppered by not being able to get a job. Instead Ehrenreich fell into the hands of the gannets who feed on the unemployed and sell them reassurances that getting a job is just a question of attitude. This was illustrated by cheerful Kimberly, a “co-active coach” whom Ehrenreich employed and ended up wanting to kill. As the economy recedes, you wonder if Kimberly and her ilk will disappear. “I tend to think that the irrational, delusional approaches will persist,” she warns.
Ehrenreich is by training a scientist, with a degree in chemistry and a PhD in cell biology. As a child she saw both sides of the economic divide. Her father was a copper miner from Montana who got an education and eventually qualified as a metallurgist and made it on to the corporate ladder at Gillette. “He was a very exceptional person, as he’d be the first to tell you. But he never – nor did my mother – say about people who didn’t do as well, ‘Oh we did it, so they can do it.’ They recognized that theirs was an unusual trajectory.”
Did they identify as working-class?
“No. I think they would have said middle-class. But I think my father always thought that he didn’t fit in. He was too rough-edged. And he had a lot of contempt for, say, Ivy League types or MBA types.”
What she sees as the stigmatisation of the sick in the US is a reaction in part to a “strange little detail” of her childhood. Her mother, who was politically more radical than her father and whom the young Ehrenreich would look at in alarm sometimes and wonder if she was a communist, had been brought up by her Christian Scientist grandparents. “And in no other way was my mother continuing to be a Christian Scientist, except for one thing: health. It was very bad to get sick. I remember when I had trouble seeing the blackboard in about seventh grade, she said, “People in our family don’t wear glasses.” Ehrenreich smiles ruefully.
Her son is a writer and her daughter a lawyer, (Ehrenreich is divorced; she moved to Alexandria to be near her two grandchildren) and half of her family still lives on low wages; her sister and her husband have just been forced to cancel their health insurance. I wonder if she had ethical qualms about Nickel and Dimed; isn’t there something unsavory about a comfortable journalist pretending to be poor and then being paid a lot of money to write about it?
“Well you know, that never entered my mind . . . what began to bother me a little bit was that there was a deception involved; that I had to tell people that I was working these jobs because I needed the money, which wasn’t true. But I always tried at the end to tell people I had got to know what the truth was. And then you can work off the guilt of any money by giving it away. Easily fixed.”
Until the success of that book she had been freelance, and the security, she says, has been wonderful. She hasn’t had a staff position since her first job working for the New York City government as a health planner, which she left after seven months when she decided that “the government was selling out to private interests” and went to work for a “radical collective” lobbying for better healthcare in the city. “That’s where I started writing, because we had a newsletter and I loved to do investigative pieces.”
Nowadays, people write to Ehrenreich with their workplace horror stories. The most shocking in the new book came from an ex-employee of one large retailer, who told Ehrenreich that in 2003 the company held him captive for six hours and interrogated him for giving a colleague a discount on a video game, before getting him to write a false confession and firing him. A former colleague alleged that such incidents were not unusual.
With Obama ascending there is hope of a sea change, although Ehrenreich remains characteristically cautious. She sees him “tacking to the right” and was disheartened by his choice of economic adviser, Jason Furman, “who was to the far right of the Democratic party and made his reputation as a defender of Wal-Mart [one of her principal targets in Nickel and Dimed]. And so in a way, I thought, OK, I’m not going to pay [Obama] any attention for a while.”
I wonder if the huge success of Nickel and Dimed, and the tax bill that presumably came with it, hasn’t sent Ehrenreich skidding off a bit in that direction. “Ha! I have to watch that kind of stuff. But no. I always say, if I could pay more taxes and be in turn told for sure that there would be decent schools for my grandchildren, that there would be healthcare for them, that there would be social security, if there was something in return, other than wars, it would be a wonderful thing.” She cackles. “As it is, I just get angrier and angrier”
· Going to Extremes: Notes From A Divided Nation is published by Granta (£8.99).To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0870 836 0875
America’s Last Taboo
Twenty years ago, Barbara Ehrenreich wrote an article for the New York Times in which she pointed out the growing inequality of American society and was promptly denounced, by a rival paper, as a Marxist. “The Washington Times is an extreme-rightwing publication,” she says, so there was no surprise there. But the paper’s reaction underlined a general principle: that while one can say “fairly wild” things about race and gender in the US, there persists a certain coyness about class. “There’s this powerful myth that America doesn’t have classes; that they’re an ancient English or European thing that we abolished. And that if you’re not rich, it’s your own damn fault.”
Now 66, Ehrenreich has devoted most of her career to disproving this maxim. Her 2001 bestseller Nickel and Dimed was an account of the year she spent trying to eke out an existence on the minimum wage, which caused affluent readers everywhere to exclaim guiltily: “We had no idea!” She reported that companies cheat their staff of wages (there are 70 lawsuits pending); limit the number of toilet breaks staff take; forbid them from talking to each other or using “profanity” on the premises, and that the cleaner you hired through a “reputable” firm is probably made to clean your house while sick or injured. The book’s success owed much to the personal journey of Ehrenreich herself, who suggested the idea to her editor for a younger journalist to take on. But she fitted the profile of the invisible worker – middle-aged, female and knackered. Once in situ, she was bullied by various bosses and forced to retire each night to a motel because she couldn’t afford a flat.
Her latest book, which in the US is called This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation, is the animating force behind all this, a collection of columns that almost amounts to a manifesto. The title comes from a Woody Guthrie song, which Ehrenreich can hardly bear to listen to these days. She writes: “I flinch when I hear Woody Guthrie’s line, ‘This land belongs to you and me’. Somehow, I don’t think it was meant to be sung by a chorus of hedge-fund operators.” (The book’s UK publisher evidently didn’t feel Guthrie’s song traveled well, and has opted for the title Going to Extremes instead.)
Ehrenreich’s skill, apart from the sheer quality of her writing, is to illustrate her opinions with wave after wave of examples, of unglamorous labour disputes and everyday injustices that don’t get much of a look-in elsewhere. Through them she details how wealth in America has transferred from the bottom to the top, thanks to tax cuts for the rich and Bush’s reluctance to regulate the markets, and exposes the fallacy that “growth” as measured by GDP is, for the majority of Americans, synonymous with better living.
“It was just so fascinating to me, without being an economist, to see how in the past few years growth has become completely decoupled from wages or the real conditions of what we call working people,” she says. “And the reason they were so decoupled is because of the huge inequality. So you could have many [economic] indicators looking very sunny and good, but you’re talking about a population that is so divided there’s not an average there any more.”
A book about the joylessness of the American right must struggle to avoid matching it with a litany of dreary, rival orthodoxies. But Ehrenreich has never been dour, nor for that matter predictable. She lives in the historic town of Alexandria, just south of Washington DC, in a jolly chaos of papers and magazines. On the mantelpiece is a card that reads, “I am not, therefore I buy”, but she is as suspicious of self-denial as she is of self-indulgence, both of which she sees as affectations. In one unexpected column, Ehrenreich flies at Jane Brody, the health editor of the New York Times, who throughout the 90s championed with great influence the virtues of a low-fat, high-carb diet. As well as questioning the health benefits of Brody’s principles, Ehrenreich calls them a way of enabling the well-off to feel virtuous merely by indulging their own narcissism. “The low-fat diet has been the hair shirt under the fur coat – the daily deprivation that offsets the endless greed.”
The “tireless preaching” that bedevils modern life elicits a resounding screw-you from Ehrenreich. Her latest bugbear is “positive thinking”, the underlying philosophy of much life coaching and motivational speaking, which she came across during the research for Bait and Switch, the follow-up to Nickel and Dimed. In it, she spent a year trying to expose white-collar office life but was scuppered by not being able to get a job. Instead Ehrenreich fell into the hands of the gannets who feed on the unemployed and sell them reassurances that getting a job is just a question of attitude. This was illustrated by cheerful Kimberly, a “co-active coach” whom Ehrenreich employed and ended up wanting to kill. As the economy recedes, you wonder if Kimberly and her ilk will disappear. “I tend to think that the irrational, delusional approaches will persist,” she warns.
Ehrenreich is by training a scientist, with a degree in chemistry and a PhD in cell biology. As a child she saw both sides of the economic divide. Her father was a copper miner from Montana who got an education and eventually qualified as a metallurgist and made it on to the corporate ladder at Gillette. “He was a very exceptional person, as he’d be the first to tell you. But he never – nor did my mother – say about people who didn’t do as well, ‘Oh we did it, so they can do it.’ They recognized that theirs was an unusual trajectory.”
Did they identify as working-class?
“No. I think they would have said middle-class. But I think my father always thought that he didn’t fit in. He was too rough-edged. And he had a lot of contempt for, say, Ivy League types or MBA types.”
What she sees as the stigmatisation of the sick in the US is a reaction in part to a “strange little detail” of her childhood. Her mother, who was politically more radical than her father and whom the young Ehrenreich would look at in alarm sometimes and wonder if she was a communist, had been brought up by her Christian Scientist grandparents. “And in no other way was my mother continuing to be a Christian Scientist, except for one thing: health. It was very bad to get sick. I remember when I had trouble seeing the blackboard in about seventh grade, she said, “People in our family don’t wear glasses.” Ehrenreich smiles ruefully.
Her son is a writer and her daughter a lawyer, (Ehrenreich is divorced; she moved to Alexandria to be near her two grandchildren) and half of her family still lives on low wages; her sister and her husband have just been forced to cancel their health insurance. I wonder if she had ethical qualms about Nickel and Dimed; isn’t there something unsavory about a comfortable journalist pretending to be poor and then being paid a lot of money to write about it?
“Well you know, that never entered my mind . . . what began to bother me a little bit was that there was a deception involved; that I had to tell people that I was working these jobs because I needed the money, which wasn’t true. But I always tried at the end to tell people I had got to know what the truth was. And then you can work off the guilt of any money by giving it away. Easily fixed.”
Until the success of that book she had been freelance, and the security, she says, has been wonderful. She hasn’t had a staff position since her first job working for the New York City government as a health planner, which she left after seven months when she decided that “the government was selling out to private interests” and went to work for a “radical collective” lobbying for better healthcare in the city. “That’s where I started writing, because we had a newsletter and I loved to do investigative pieces.”
Nowadays, people write to Ehrenreich with their workplace horror stories. The most shocking in the new book came from an ex-employee of one large retailer, who told Ehrenreich that in 2003 the company held him captive for six hours and interrogated him for giving a colleague a discount on a video game, before getting him to write a false confession and firing him. A former colleague alleged that such incidents were not unusual.
With Obama ascending there is hope of a sea change, although Ehrenreich remains characteristically cautious. She sees him “tacking to the right” and was disheartened by his choice of economic adviser, Jason Furman, “who was to the far right of the Democratic party and made his reputation as a defender of Wal-Mart [one of her principal targets in Nickel and Dimed]. And so in a way, I thought, OK, I’m not going to pay [Obama] any attention for a while.”
I wonder if the huge success of Nickel and Dimed, and the tax bill that presumably came with it, hasn’t sent Ehrenreich skidding off a bit in that direction. “Ha! I have to watch that kind of stuff. But no. I always say, if I could pay more taxes and be in turn told for sure that there would be decent schools for my grandchildren, that there would be healthcare for them, that there would be social security, if there was something in return, other than wars, it would be a wonderful thing.” She cackles. “As it is, I just get angrier and angrier”
· Going to Extremes: Notes From A Divided Nation is published by Granta (£8.99).To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0870 836 0875
America’s Last Taboo
Twenty years ago, Barbara Ehrenreich wrote an article for the New York Times in which she pointed out the growing inequality of American society and was promptly denounced, by a rival paper, as a Marxist. “The Washington Times is an extreme-rightwing publication,” she says, so there was no surprise there. But the paper’s reaction underlined a general principle: that while one can say “fairly wild” things about race and gender in the US, there persists a certain coyness about class. “There’s this powerful myth that America doesn’t have classes; that they’re an ancient English or European thing that we abolished. And that if you’re not rich, it’s your own damn fault.”
Now 66, Ehrenreich has devoted most of her career to disproving this maxim. Her 2001 bestseller Nickel and Dimed was an account of the year she spent trying to eke out an existence on the minimum wage, which caused affluent readers everywhere to exclaim guiltily: “We had no idea!” She reported that companies cheat their staff of wages (there are 70 lawsuits pending); limit the number of toilet breaks staff take; forbid them from talking to each other or using “profanity” on the premises, and that the cleaner you hired through a “reputable” firm is probably made to clean your house while sick or injured. The book’s success owed much to the personal journey of Ehrenreich herself, who suggested the idea to her editor for a younger journalist to take on. But she fitted the profile of the invisible worker – middle-aged, female and knackered. Once in situ, she was bullied by various bosses and forced to retire each night to a motel because she couldn’t afford a flat.
Her latest book, which in the US is called This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation, is the animating force behind all this, a collection of columns that almost amounts to a manifesto. The title comes from a Woody Guthrie song, which Ehrenreich can hardly bear to listen to these days. She writes: “I flinch when I hear Woody Guthrie’s line, ‘This land belongs to you and me’. Somehow, I don’t think it was meant to be sung by a chorus of hedge-fund operators.” (The book’s UK publisher evidently didn’t feel Guthrie’s song traveled well, and has opted for the title Going to Extremes instead.)
Ehrenreich’s skill, apart from the sheer quality of her writing, is to illustrate her opinions with wave after wave of examples, of unglamorous labour disputes and everyday injustices that don’t get much of a look-in elsewhere. Through them she details how wealth in America has transferred from the bottom to the top, thanks to tax cuts for the rich and Bush’s reluctance to regulate the markets, and exposes the fallacy that “growth” as measured by GDP is, for the majority of Americans, synonymous with better living.
“It was just so fascinating to me, without being an economist, to see how in the past few years growth has become completely decoupled from wages or the real conditions of what we call working people,” she says. “And the reason they were so decoupled is because of the huge inequality. So you could have many [economic] indicators looking very sunny and good, but you’re talking about a population that is so divided there’s not an average there any more.”
A book about the joylessness of the American right must struggle to avoid matching it with a litany of dreary, rival orthodoxies. But Ehrenreich has never been dour, nor for that matter predictable. She lives in the historic town of Alexandria, just south of Washington DC, in a jolly chaos of papers and magazines. On the mantelpiece is a card that reads, “I am not, therefore I buy”, but she is as suspicious of self-denial as she is of self-indulgence, both of which she sees as affectations. In one unexpected column, Ehrenreich flies at Jane Brody, the health editor of the New York Times, who throughout the 90s championed with great influence the virtues of a low-fat, high-carb diet. As well as questioning the health benefits of Brody’s principles, Ehrenreich calls them a way of enabling the well-off to feel virtuous merely by indulging their own narcissism. “The low-fat diet has been the hair shirt under the fur coat – the daily deprivation that offsets the endless greed.”
The “tireless preaching” that bedevils modern life elicits a resounding screw-you from Ehrenreich. Her latest bugbear is “positive thinking”, the underlying philosophy of much life coaching and motivational speaking, which she came across during the research for Bait and Switch, the follow-up to Nickel and Dimed. In it, she spent a year trying to expose white-collar office life but was scuppered by not being able to get a job. Instead Ehrenreich fell into the hands of the gannets who feed on the unemployed and sell them reassurances that getting a job is just a question of attitude. This was illustrated by cheerful Kimberly, a “co-active coach” whom Ehrenreich employed and ended up wanting to kill. As the economy recedes, you wonder if Kimberly and her ilk will disappear. “I tend to think that the irrational, delusional approaches will persist,” she warns.
Ehrenreich is by training a scientist, with a degree in chemistry and a PhD in cell biology. As a child she saw both sides of the economic divide. Her father was a copper miner from Montana who got an education and eventually qualified as a metallurgist and made it on to the corporate ladder at Gillette. “He was a very exceptional person, as he’d be the first to tell you. But he never – nor did my mother – say about people who didn’t do as well, ‘Oh we did it, so they can do it.’ They recognized that theirs was an unusual trajectory.”
Did they identify as working-class?
“No. I think they would have said middle-class. But I think my father always thought that he didn’t fit in. He was too rough-edged. And he had a lot of contempt for, say, Ivy League types or MBA types.”
What she sees as the stigmatisation of the sick in the US is a reaction in part to a “strange little detail” of her childhood. Her mother, who was politically more radical than her father and whom the young Ehrenreich would look at in alarm sometimes and wonder if she was a communist, had been brought up by her Christian Scientist grandparents. “And in no other way was my mother continuing to be a Christian Scientist, except for one thing: health. It was very bad to get sick. I remember when I had trouble seeing the blackboard in about seventh grade, she said, “People in our family don’t wear glasses.” Ehrenreich smiles ruefully.
Her son is a writer and her daughter a lawyer, (Ehrenreich is divorced; she moved to Alexandria to be near her two grandchildren) and half of her family still lives on low wages; her sister and her husband have just been forced to cancel their health insurance. I wonder if she had ethical qualms about Nickel and Dimed; isn’t there something unsavory about a comfortable journalist pretending to be poor and then being paid a lot of money to write about it?
“Well you know, that never entered my mind . . . what began to bother me a little bit was that there was a deception involved; that I had to tell people that I was working these jobs because I needed the money, which wasn’t true. But I always tried at the end to tell people I had got to know what the truth was. And then you can work off the guilt of any money by giving it away. Easily fixed.”
Until the success of that book she had been freelance, and the security, she says, has been wonderful. She hasn’t had a staff position since her first job working for the New York City government as a health planner, which she left after seven months when she decided that “the government was selling out to private interests” and went to work for a “radical collective” lobbying for better healthcare in the city. “That’s where I started writing, because we had a newsletter and I loved to do investigative pieces.”
Nowadays, people write to Ehrenreich with their workplace horror stories. The most shocking in the new book came from an ex-employee of one large retailer, who told Ehrenreich that in 2003 the company held him captive for six hours and interrogated him for giving a colleague a discount on a video game, before getting him to write a false confession and firing him. A former colleague alleged that such incidents were not unusual.
With Obama ascending there is hope of a sea change, although Ehrenreich remains characteristically cautious. She sees him “tacking to the right” and was disheartened by his choice of economic adviser, Jason Furman, “who was to the far right of the Democratic party and made his reputation as a defender of Wal-Mart [one of her principal targets in Nickel and Dimed]. And so in a way, I thought, OK, I’m not going to pay [Obama] any attention for a while.”
I wonder if the huge success of Nickel and Dimed, and the tax bill that presumably came with it, hasn’t sent Ehrenreich skidding off a bit in that direction. “Ha! I have to watch that kind of stuff. But no. I always say, if I could pay more taxes and be in turn told for sure that there would be decent schools for my grandchildren, that there would be healthcare for them, that there would be social security, if there was something in return, other than wars, it would be a wonderful thing.” She cackles. “As it is, I just get angrier and angrier”
· Going to Extremes: Notes From A Divided Nation is published by Granta (£8.99).To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0870 836 0875
Outraged Kerry Takes the Gloves Off at Last After Republican Jibes
John Kerry launched a stinging and personal counter-attack against George Bush’s administration, singling out Dick Cheney, the vice-president, for having “refused to serve” in Vietnam.
The ferocity of the Democratic party’s presidential challenger at the midnight rally of supporters in Ohio marked a sharp change in his campaign tactics. A few hours earlier, at the Republican party convention in New York, President Bush had joined in Mr Cheney’s derision of Senator Kerry as a vacillating liberal.
The president repeated those charges yesterday at a rally in Pennsylvania, lampooning Mr Kerry for voting to go to war in Iraq and then opposing a funding request in the Senate for the occupation.
“He said he was proud of his vote, and then he just said the whole thing was a complicated matter. His words,” Mr Bush said. “Here are my words: There’s nothing complicated about supporting our troops in combat.”
The charge that Mr Kerry was “unfit for command” was a main theme of the Republican convention, provoking outrage from the senator. He said: “I’m not going to have my commitment to defend this country questioned by those who refused to serve when they could have, and by those who misled the nation into Iraq.”
Mr Kerry’s seemed to be using his speech to release months of pent-up anger.
In the face of a campaign by rightwing Vietnam war veterans to question whether he merited his five combat medals, the senator had until yesterday refrained from referring directly to the actions of Mr Bush or Mr Cheney during the Vietnam era.
Both men avoided combat, while the young Lieutenant Kerry was fighting in the Mekong Delta. Mr Bush signed up with the Texas air national guard as a pilot; Mr Cheney was granted five deferments from the draft for attending college, then graduate school and finally for having a child.
The new gloves-off strategy begins after a week of debate and unease within the Kerry camp over the wisdom of restraint. It coincided with the hiring of Joe Lockhart, a former spokesman for Bill Clinton with a combative reputation.
In yesterday’s speech Mr Kerry made it clear he was aiming his accusations principally at the vice-president, who had used his Wednesday night speech to portray the Democratic candidate as unfit to be commander in chief.
Mr Kerry responded: “I’ll leave it up to the voters to decide whether five deferments makes someone more qualified to defend this nation than two tours of duty.
“Let me tell you what I think makes someone unfit for duty: misleading our nation into war in Iraq makes you unfit to lead this nation. Doing nothing while this nation loses millions of jobs makes you unfit to lead this nation … That’s the record of George Bush and Dick Cheney”
He also implied that the vice-president was guilty of a financial conflict of interests, accusing him of handing out contracts to his former employer, the oil services company Halliburton, “while you’re still on their payroll”.
Mr Cheney continues to receive annual payments of “deferred compensation” from Halliburton for his past work as its chief executive, but the White House has denied that he had any role in awarding the company contracts in Iraq.
Mr Kerry’s tough approach satisfied his cheering supporters but it carries inherent risks for a candidate claiming to be more capable than the president of unifying the US.
Some pundits also wondered whether Mr Kerry had left his counter-attack too late.
“We’re at the point now where all’s fair in love and war, and politics is war,” said Larry Sabato, a political science professor at the University of Virginia. “The problem is Kerry is out of synch. The time for this was a month ago, but it came on a night when all the coverage went to Bush’s speech. I find it incredibly odd.”
Both sides argued over the significance of new employment figures published yesterday showing a net creation of 144,000 jobs in August.
The total was a little below most projections but still up on July. Speaking at a rally in Pennsylvania, Mr Bush said the figures showed that the economy was growing, and he added the catchphrase he used when accepting the Republican presidential nomination on Thursday: “Nothing will hold us back.”
At Last, Sebastian Vettel Has Turned the 2009 F1 Season Into a Two-horse Race
At last, 2009 is turning into a two-horse race.
Thank the lord, Jenson Button did not win the British grand prix. OK, my back is braced for a volley of knives. But, for any partisan Brits who are reading this, I prefer not to see one driver dominate the championship. Just because he hails from these shores and began the year as more of a ten-foot-underdog than a mere unfancied runner, it doesn’t mean we should all jump out of our socks when he takes the chequered flag every other weekend.
Myself, I’m a Heinz supporter – I prefer a bit of variety. Given Brawn GP’s form this year – or, rather, their rivals’ lack of pace – I’ve nervously been expecting a repeat of 1988, when the McLaren pairing of Ayrton Senna and Alain Prost won 15 out of the 16 grands prix. We know now we’re not going to see such domination. The Red Bull cars had the edge on the Brawns at Silverstone this weekend; Sebastian Vettel could ease off to save his tires without breaking into a sweat that his victory was in doubt. Mark Webber, ever the bridesmaid, took a straightforward second. Meanwhile, Rubens Barrichello had to get his toe down to stymie Felipe Massa’s attack on third place.
Ross Brawn and co will decamp to Brackley with a sense of urgency: their rivals from Milton Keynes have found something, and they need to discover what it is and respond. Is it all down to the cold British weather? And if it is, then what next? The next stop is the Nurburgring; hardly the hottest race on the calendar. There are nine grands prix yet and Vettel is 25 points adrift of Button. The man from Frome by no means has the 2009 champion’s trophy – perhaps the last ever, if the Fota breakaway materializes – in his race suit’s pocket. And that’s exactly how it should be.
America’s Last Taboo
Twenty years ago, Barbara Ehrenreich wrote an article for the New York Times in which she pointed out the growing inequality of American society and was promptly denounced, by a rival paper, as a Marxist. “The Washington Times is an extreme-rightwing publication,” she says, so there was no surprise there. But the paper’s reaction underlined a general principle: that while one can say “fairly wild” things about race and gender in the US, there persists a certain coyness about class. “There’s this powerful myth that America doesn’t have classes; that they’re an ancient English or European thing that we abolished. And that if you’re not rich, it’s your own damn fault.”
Now 66, Ehrenreich has devoted most of her career to disproving this maxim. Her 2001 bestseller Nickel and Dimed was an account of the year she spent trying to eke out an existence on the minimum wage, which caused affluent readers everywhere to exclaim guiltily: “We had no idea!” She reported that companies cheat their staff of wages (there are 70 lawsuits pending); limit the number of toilet breaks staff take; forbid them from talking to each other or using “profanity” on the premises, and that the cleaner you hired through a “reputable” firm is probably made to clean your house while sick or injured. The book’s success owed much to the personal journey of Ehrenreich herself, who suggested the idea to her editor for a younger journalist to take on. But she fitted the profile of the invisible worker – middle-aged, female and knackered. Once in situ, she was bullied by various bosses and forced to retire each night to a motel because she couldn’t afford a flat.
Her latest book, which in the US is called This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation, is the animating force behind all this, a collection of columns that almost amounts to a manifesto. The title comes from a Woody Guthrie song, which Ehrenreich can hardly bear to listen to these days. She writes: “I flinch when I hear Woody Guthrie’s line, ‘This land belongs to you and me’. Somehow, I don’t think it was meant to be sung by a chorus of hedge-fund operators.” (The book’s UK publisher evidently didn’t feel Guthrie’s song traveled well, and has opted for the title Going to Extremes instead.)
Ehrenreich’s skill, apart from the sheer quality of her writing, is to illustrate her opinions with wave after wave of examples, of unglamorous labour disputes and everyday injustices that don’t get much of a look-in elsewhere. Through them she details how wealth in America has transferred from the bottom to the top, thanks to tax cuts for the rich and Bush’s reluctance to regulate the markets, and exposes the fallacy that “growth” as measured by GDP is, for the majority of Americans, synonymous with better living.
“It was just so fascinating to me, without being an economist, to see how in the past few years growth has become completely decoupled from wages or the real conditions of what we call working people,” she says. “And the reason they were so decoupled is because of the huge inequality. So you could have many [economic] indicators looking very sunny and good, but you’re talking about a population that is so divided there’s not an average there any more.”
A book about the joylessness of the American right must struggle to avoid matching it with a litany of dreary, rival orthodoxies. But Ehrenreich has never been dour, nor for that matter predictable. She lives in the historic town of Alexandria, just south of Washington DC, in a jolly chaos of papers and magazines. On the mantelpiece is a card that reads, “I am not, therefore I buy”, but she is as suspicious of self-denial as she is of self-indulgence, both of which she sees as affectations. In one unexpected column, Ehrenreich flies at Jane Brody, the health editor of the New York Times, who throughout the 90s championed with great influence the virtues of a low-fat, high-carb diet. As well as questioning the health benefits of Brody’s principles, Ehrenreich calls them a way of enabling the well-off to feel virtuous merely by indulging their own narcissism. “The low-fat diet has been the hair shirt under the fur coat – the daily deprivation that offsets the endless greed.”
The “tireless preaching” that bedevils modern life elicits a resounding screw-you from Ehrenreich. Her latest bugbear is “positive thinking”, the underlying philosophy of much life coaching and motivational speaking, which she came across during the research for Bait and Switch, the follow-up to Nickel and Dimed. In it, she spent a year trying to expose white-collar office life but was scuppered by not being able to get a job. Instead Ehrenreich fell into the hands of the gannets who feed on the unemployed and sell them reassurances that getting a job is just a question of attitude. This was illustrated by cheerful Kimberly, a “co-active coach” whom Ehrenreich employed and ended up wanting to kill. As the economy recedes, you wonder if Kimberly and her ilk will disappear. “I tend to think that the irrational, delusional approaches will persist,” she warns.
Ehrenreich is by training a scientist, with a degree in chemistry and a PhD in cell biology. As a child she saw both sides of the economic divide. Her father was a copper miner from Montana who got an education and eventually qualified as a metallurgist and made it on to the corporate ladder at Gillette. “He was a very exceptional person, as he’d be the first to tell you. But he never – nor did my mother – say about people who didn’t do as well, ‘Oh we did it, so they can do it.’ They recognized that theirs was an unusual trajectory.”
Did they identify as working-class?
“No. I think they would have said middle-class. But I think my father always thought that he didn’t fit in. He was too rough-edged. And he had a lot of contempt for, say, Ivy League types or MBA types.”
What she sees as the stigmatisation of the sick in the US is a reaction in part to a “strange little detail” of her childhood. Her mother, who was politically more radical than her father and whom the young Ehrenreich would look at in alarm sometimes and wonder if she was a communist, had been brought up by her Christian Scientist grandparents. “And in no other way was my mother continuing to be a Christian Scientist, except for one thing: health. It was very bad to get sick. I remember when I had trouble seeing the blackboard in about seventh grade, she said, “People in our family don’t wear glasses.” Ehrenreich smiles ruefully.
Her son is a writer and her daughter a lawyer, (Ehrenreich is divorced; she moved to Alexandria to be near her two grandchildren) and half of her family still lives on low wages; her sister and her husband have just been forced to cancel their health insurance. I wonder if she had ethical qualms about Nickel and Dimed; isn’t there something unsavory about a comfortable journalist pretending to be poor and then being paid a lot of money to write about it?
“Well you know, that never entered my mind . . . what began to bother me a little bit was that there was a deception involved; that I had to tell people that I was working these jobs because I needed the money, which wasn’t true. But I always tried at the end to tell people I had got to know what the truth was. And then you can work off the guilt of any money by giving it away. Easily fixed.”
Until the success of that book she had been freelance, and the security, she says, has been wonderful. She hasn’t had a staff position since her first job working for the New York City government as a health planner, which she left after seven months when she decided that “the government was selling out to private interests” and went to work for a “radical collective” lobbying for better healthcare in the city. “That’s where I started writing, because we had a newsletter and I loved to do investigative pieces.”
Nowadays, people write to Ehrenreich with their workplace horror stories. The most shocking in the new book came from an ex-employee of one large retailer, who told Ehrenreich that in 2003 the company held him captive for six hours and interrogated him for giving a colleague a discount on a video game, before getting him to write a false confession and firing him. A former colleague alleged that such incidents were not unusual.
With Obama ascending there is hope of a sea change, although Ehrenreich remains characteristically cautious. She sees him “tacking to the right” and was disheartened by his choice of economic adviser, Jason Furman, “who was to the far right of the Democratic party and made his reputation as a defender of Wal-Mart [one of her principal targets in Nickel and Dimed]. And so in a way, I thought, OK, I’m not going to pay [Obama] any attention for a while.”
I wonder if the huge success of Nickel and Dimed, and the tax bill that presumably came with it, hasn’t sent Ehrenreich skidding off a bit in that direction. “Ha! I have to watch that kind of stuff. But no. I always say, if I could pay more taxes and be in turn told for sure that there would be decent schools for my grandchildren, that there would be healthcare for them, that there would be social security, if there was something in return, other than wars, it would be a wonderful thing.” She cackles. “As it is, I just get angrier and angrier”
· Going to Extremes: Notes From A Divided Nation is published by Granta (£8.99).To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0870 836 0875
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Recent Comments
- EPGAH on Unusual banking system: NO INTEREST
- EPGAH on Unusual banking system: NO INTEREST
- EPGAH on Unusual banking system: NO INTEREST
- EPGAH on Unusual banking system: NO INTEREST
- EPGAH on Unusual banking system: NO INTEREST


